Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program that Brought Nazi Scientists to America Audible Audiobook – Unabridged
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The “remarkable” story of America's secret post-WWII science programs (The Boston Globe), from the New York Times best-selling author of Area 51.
In the chaos following World War II, the US government faced many difficult decisions, including what to do with the Third Reich's scientific minds. These were the brains behind the Nazis' once-indomitable war machine. So began Operation Paperclip, a decades-long, covert project to bring Hitler's scientists and their families to the United States.
Many of these men were accused of war crimes, and others had stood trial at Nuremberg; one was convicted of mass murder and slavery. They were also directly responsible for major advances in rocketry, medical treatments, and the US Space Program. Was Operation Paperclip a moral outrage, or did it help America win the Cold War?
Drawing on exclusive interviews with dozens of Paperclip family members, colleagues, and interrogators, and with access to German archival documents (including previously unseen papers made available by direct descendants of the Third Reich's ranking members), files obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, and dossiers discovered in government archives and at Harvard University, Annie Jacobsen follows more than a dozen German scientists through their postwar lives and into a startling, complex, nefarious, and jealously guarded government secret of the 20th century.
In this definitive, controversial look at one of America's most strategic, and disturbing, government programs, Jacobsen shows just how dark government can get in the name of national security.
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|Listening Length||19 hours and 26 minutes|
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|Audible.com Release Date||February 11, 2014|
|Best Sellers Rank|| #3,685 in Audible Books & Originals (See Top 100 in Audible Books & Originals) |
#11 in Intelligence & Espionage History
#17 in World War II History (Audible Books & Originals)
#50 in World War II History (Books)
Reviewed in the United States on June 29, 2017
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After World War II, the U.S. military hired sixteen hundred former Nazi scientists and doctors, including some of Adolf Hitler's closest collaborators, including men responsible for murder, slavery, and human experimentation, including men convicted of war crimes, men acquitted of war crimes, and men who never stood trial. Some of the Nazis tried at Nuremberg had already been working for the U.S. in either Germany or the U.S. prior to the trials. Some were protected from their past by the U.S. government for years, as they lived and worked in Boston Harbor, Long Island, Maryland, Ohio, Texas, Alabama, and elsewhere, or were flown by the U.S. government to Argentina to protect them from prosecution. Some trial transcripts were classified in their entirety to avoid exposing the pasts of important U.S. scientists. Some of the Nazis brought over were frauds who had passed themselves off as scientists, some of whom subsequently learned their fields while working for the U.S. military.
The U.S. occupiers of Germany after World War II declared that all military research in Germany was to cease, as part of the process of denazification. Yet that research went on and expanded in secret, under U.S. authority, both in Germany and in the United States, as part of a process that it's possible to view as nazification. Not only scientists were hired. Former Nazi spies, most of them former S.S., were hired by the U.S. in post-war Germany to spy on -- and torture -- Soviets.
The U.S. military shifted in numerous ways when former Nazis were put into prominent positions. It was Nazi rocket scientists who proposed placing nuclear bombs on rockets and began developing the intercontinental ballistic missile. It was Nazi engineers who had designed Hitler's bunker beneath Berlin, who now designed underground fortresses for the U.S. government in the Catoctin and Blue Ridge Mountains. Known Nazi liars were employed by the U.S. military to draft classified intelligence briefs falsely hyping the Soviet menace. Nazi scientists developed U.S. chemical and biological weapons programs, bringing over their knowledge of tabun and sarin, not to mention thalidomide -- and their eagerness for human experimentation, which the U.S. military and the newly created CIA readily engaged in on a major scale. Every bizarre and gruesome notion of how a person might be assassinated or an army immobilized was of interest to their research. New weapons were developed, including VX and Agent Orange. A new drive to visit and weaponize outerspace was created, and former Nazis were put in charge of a new agency called NASA.
Permanent war thinking, limitless war thinking, and creative war thinking in which science and technology overshadowed death and suffering, all went mainstream. When a former Nazi spoke to a women's luncheon at the Rochester Junior Chamber of Commerce in 1953, the event's headline was "Buzz Bomb Mastermind to Address Jaycees Today." That doesn't sound terribly odd to us, but might have shocked anyone living in the United States anytime prior to World War II. Watch this Walt Disney television program featuring a former Nazi who worked slaves to death in a cave building rockets. Before long, President Dwight Eisenhower would be lamenting that "the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government." Eisenhower was not referring to Nazism but to the power of the military-industrial complex. Yet, when asked whom he had in mind in remarking in the same speech that "public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite," Eisenhower named two scientists, one of them the former Nazi in the Disney video linked above.
The decision to inject 1,600 of Hitler's scientific-technological elite into the U.S. military was driven by fears of the USSR, both reasonable and the result of fraudulent fear mongering. The decision evolved over time and was the product of many misguided minds. But the buck stopped with President Harry S Truman. Henry Wallace, Truman's predecessor as vice-president who we like to imagine would have guided the world in a better direction than Truman did as president, actually pushed Truman to hire the Nazis as a jobs program. It would be good for American industry, said our progressive hero. Truman's subordinates debated, but Truman decided. As bits of Operation Paperclip became known, the American Federation of Scientists, Albert Einstein, and others urged Truman to end it. Nuclear physicist Hans Bethe and his colleague Henri Sack asked Truman:
"Did the fact that the Germans might save the nation millions of dollars imply that permanent residence and citizenship could be bought? Could the United States count on [the German scientists] to work for peace when their indoctrinated hatred against the Russians might contribute to increase the divergence between the great powers? Had the war been fought to allow Nazi ideology to creep into our educational and scientific institutions by the back door? Do we want science at any price?"
In 1947 Operation Paperclip, still rather small, was in danger of being terminated. Instead, Truman transformed the U.S. military with the National Security Act, and created the best ally that Operation Paperclip could want: the CIA. Now the program took off, intentionally and willfully, with the full knowledge and understanding of the same U.S. President who had declared as a senator that if the Russians were winning the U.S. should help the Germans, and vice versa, to ensure that the most people possible died, the same president who viciously and pointlessly dropped two nuclear bombs on Japanese cities, the same president who brought us the war on Korea, the war without declaration, the secret wars, the permanent expanded empire of bases, the military secrecy in all matters, the imperial presidency, and the military-industrial complex. The U.S. Chemical Warfare Service took up the study of German chemical weapons at the end of the war as a means to continue in existence. George Merck both diagnosed biological weapons threats for the military and sold the military vaccines to handle them. War was business and business was going to be good for a long time to come.
But how big a change did the United States go through after World War II, and how much of it can be credited to Operation Paperclip? Isn't a government that would give immunity to both Nazi and Japanese war criminals in order to learn their criminal ways already in a bad place? As one of the defendants argued in trial at Nuremberg, the U.S. had already engaged in its own experiments on humans using almost identical justifications to those offered by the Nazis. If that defendant had been aware, he could have pointed out that the U.S. was in that very moment engaged in such experiments in Guatemala. The Nazis had learned some of their eugenics and other nasty inclinations from Americans. Some of the Paperclip scientists had worked in the U.S. before the war, as many Americans had worked in Germany. These were not isolated worlds.
Looking beyond the secondary, scandalous, and sadistic crimes of war, what about the crime of war itself? We picture the United States as less guilty because it maneuvered the Japanese into the first attack, and because it did prosecute some of the war's losers. But an impartial trial would have prosecuted Americans too. Bombs dropped on civilians killed and injured and destroyed more than any concentration camps -- camps that in Germany had been modeled in part after U.S. camps for native Americans. Is it possible that Nazi scientists blended into the U.S. military so well because an institution that had already done what it had done to the Philippines was not in all that much need of nazification?
Yet, somehow, we think of the firebombing of Japanese cities and the complete leveling of German cities as less offensive that the hiring of Nazi scientists. But what is it that offends us about Nazi scientists? I don't think it should be that they engaged in mass-murder for the wrong side, an error balanced out in some minds but their later work for mass-murder by the right side. And I don't think it should be entirely that they engaged in sick human experimentation and forced labor. I do think those actions should offend us. But so should the construction of rockets that take thousands of lives. And it should offend us whomever it's done for.
It's curious to imagine a civilized society somewhere on earth some years from now. Would an immigrant with a past in the U.S. military be able to find a job? Would a review be needed? Had they tortured prisoners? Had they drone-struck children? Had they leveled houses or shot up civilians in any number of countries? Had they used cluster bombs? Depleted uranium? White phosphorous? Had they ever worked in the U.S. prison system? Immigrant detention system? Death row? How thorough a review would be needed? Would there be some level of just-following-orders behavior that would be deemed acceptable? Would it matter, not just what the person had done, but how they thought about the world?
Even as World War II drew to a close, America was preparing for World War III. Germany had fallen, and up for grabs was the technology that would establish the next world powers. With the Germans defeated, the Soviet Union was rapidly distancing itself from its former allies and internal reports projected that they might be ready for total war against the United States as early as 1952. Time was extremely short, and the fate of the free world — so recently hard-won at such incredible cost — was already hanging in the balance again. The science and expertise of the most technologically advanced nation on the face of the planet could tip that balance. But would it be ethical for the United States to use German scientists and their knowledge if justice for their actions must be waived to do so?
The author’s retort of an adamant “No!” is clearly evident from the very first page of this book. And two facts do become abundantly clear: Some very bad people escaped justice because of their knowledge, and there was little difference (if any) between those who were hanged and those who were hired. However, beyond that this book presents an entirely one-sided and negative view of the events and individuals involved in Operation Paperclip.
But if you had just lived through the horrors of World War II, how far would you be willing to go to prevent them from recurring? I’m not sure that anyone born decades after those events — including myself, or the author who was born in 1967 — can claim a right to render judgment on that question. Would you judge rather than exploit German science if it meant that when you woke up in the morning it would be in a Soviet-conquered state? Or would you jeopardize your children’s freedom tomorrow in order to exact justice for yourself today? Such evident questions are never acknowledged. The author also fails to recognize the ironic possibility that the very actions she condemns — right or wrong — are what allow her to live today in a free country where she can openly criticize her government’s past. I do not claim to have answers to any of these questions. But I do state that this book is not an objective narrative.
There is also not one single innocent reported among all those Americans who oversaw Operation Paperclip, or those Germans who were recruited by it — no possibility that even a single German involved may have been a conscientious scientist swept up in a militaristic regime in which they knew speaking out would be their own death sentence. The American directors of Operation Paperclip are judged equally guilty for their collaboration. For particularly-disliked Germans she also repeats their same crimes over, and over, and over again. I do not by any means diminish the incredible wrongs that were committed during World War II, but also cannot believe the whole two nations of peoples within Operation Paperclip were intentionally and completely evil, all of the time.
Some lesser issues with this book include an excruciating level of detail in many places. (If you want to know how soft Walter Schieber’s pillow was, this book tells you.) While I don’t speak German, this author’s name pronunciations in the audio book were different from what I’ve heard (repeatedly) elsewhere. And I can tell you that her Spanish pronunciations are incorrect.
Finally, the biggest criticism I saw from other reviewers were the many inaccuracies that others more knowledgeable than I reported. On two very specific topics that I am actually versed in, I found exactly the same thing: “facts” that weren’t quite right, and multiple terms or names that were off by a word or two. If, like me, your interest in space exploration was what drew you to this book, then research Michael J. Neufeld’s review.
In conclusion, unless you are an avid World War II reader I recommend that you leave Operation Paperclip alone — especially if you are also interested in space exploration and don’t want any iconic personages tampered with. If you do decide that you must delve into Operation Paperclip, then look elsewhere than this book — it only tells half the story.